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Family and Royal Lineage of Senusret I <\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Senusret I was the son of Amenemhet I and Neferetjatenen. The name of his mother is preserved only as an inscription on a statue, and it has been transmitted only in a 19th-century copy. The name is unusual, and there are doubts about the authenticity of both this inscription and the name.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Senusret I\u2019s mother\u2019s name as read and written down by Champollion is \u201cNefri-ta-tjenen\u201d (cited in Gauthier 1907, 263), which is an odd and possibly mistaken name or else one that might be transliterated differently by scholars nowadays. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
His wife was Neferu, who was his sister. She is known from the fragmentary basin and Sinai inscription with her father, Amenemhat I. She is also named in the beginning of “The Story of Sinuhe,” giving her the titles of a king\u2019s daughter and a king\u2019s wife, so the story was correct in those facts.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Also read,<\/p>\n\n\n\n
- \n
- Myths and Magic in The Book of the Dead | Egypt\u2019s Eternal Guide<\/a><\/li>\n\n\n\n
- Sesostris II | The Vanished Pharaoh<\/a><\/li>\n\n\n\n
- Banebdjedet | From Divine Judge to Lord of Sexual Pleasure<\/a>
<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\nIt is possible that another sister was also the wife of Senusret I. One of the limestone blocks from the pyramid complex of Amenemhat I has two short and broken vertical lines of inscription. The first still preserves \u201cKing\u2019s Daughter of His Body,\u201d and the second, part of a name: \u201ckayet\u201d. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
![\"AI](\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/lnb.pgm.mybluehost.me\/website_d4a54302\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/th.jpg?resize=474%2C474&ssl=1\")
AI image of Egyptian Pharaoh Senusret I<\/strong><\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n At the complex of Senusret I, small subsidiary Pyramid 2 has two different inscriptions for a royal female named Itakayet. One, a fragment from the false door of the inner shrine, has the title \u201cKing\u2019s Daughter,\u201d followed by her name in one part of a vertical inscription and, in another, \u201cHis Daughter Whom He Loves,\u201d followed by her name. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Then, on a restored column from the mortuary chapel, is the vertical inscription: \u201ciry-pat, great of affection and great of praise, haty-a\u2019a, one who sees Horus and Seth, king\u2019s daughter whom he loves, Itakayet\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Sibling Marriages in Egyptian Royalty<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Such a situation might seem unusual, except that, in the Twelfth Dynasty, if a princess did not marry her brother and become a queen, she did not marry. Schmitz seems to have been the first to recognize this situation, and research by this author has reached a similar conclusion. The princesses that did not marry were buried near the pyramid of their fathers, and there are numerous burials of princesses at Twelfth Dynasty pyramids.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The earliest royal sibling marriage that there is some proof for is that of Netjerikhet and Hetephernebty in the Third Dynasty. In the Fourth Dynasty, there is clearer evidence of kings marrying their sisters. A brother\u2013sister royal marriage with good evidence backing it is that of King Menkaura and his wife Queen Khamerernebty II. They were both the children of King Khafra<\/a> and Queen Khamerernebty I, and their grandparents were related as well, although that evidence is not as clear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
There is some evidence from the Fourth Dynasty for princes marrying their sisters, such as Ankhaf and Kawab, both brothers of Khufu, who married one of their sisters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
There is not clear evidence for sibling marriage again until the later part of the Sixth Dynasty, when Queen Neith first marries her brother, Merenra, and, upon his death, marries her half-brother, Pepy II. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
The next documented sibling marriage is Mentuhotep II and his sister Neferu in the later Eleventh Dynasty. Since Mentuhotep II set about to reunify Egypt in the traditions of the Old Kingdom, he must have been following Fourth Dynasty practice, which was based on the pattern of the sibling marriages of the gods and goddesses<\/a> of the Heliopolitan creation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Royal Marriages in the Twelfth Dynasty<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The Twelfth Dynasty clearly follows this marriage pattern as well, evidenced first in the reign of Senusret I. The Twelfth Dynasty did not allow a princess to marry unless she married her brother, which seems to be a way of protecting access to the throne, so that no one can claim legitimacy through marriage. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Since the dynasty started out with an assassination, it would seem that protecting the royal line was of prime importance. Princess Khamaat, daughter of Userkaf of the Fifth Dynasty, was the first royal woman we know of who married outside the royal family. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
By the time of King Nyuserra, these marriages were common, but they certainly do not appear again in the Middle Kingdom.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Co-Regency Practices in Ancient Egypt<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Co-regency would also offer protection, because if anything happened to one king, there was still another ruling king in place. Since evidence points to the fact that Amenemhat I and Senusret I had a co-regency, did Amenemhat I begin this practice or did he follow an earlier practice started by Pepy I? Had there been earlier attempts on the life of Amenemhat I, like the conspiracies suggested in the reign of Pepy I? <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Senusret I followed the practice of his father and had a co-regency with his son, Amenemhat II, which lasted no more than four years. As to what effect co-regency had on decision-making, palaces, status of royal family members, and other situations that might arise with dual kings and families, there is very little evidence. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Assumptions are made that the elder king \u201cretired\u201d and the younger king was the active partner but that might just be based on the fact that in “The Story of Sinuhe” the royal father stayed at home while the royal son was on a military expedition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The Importance of Royal Mothers<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
There are more names of mothers preserved in the early Middle Kingdom than there are of wives. We know the mother of Mentuhotep II, Mentuhotep III, Mentuhotep IV, Amenemhat I, and Senusret I, but, while we know two queens of Mentuhotep II, not counting the women who were priestesses of Hathor, we do not have a queen\u2019s name for Mentuhotep IV; and for Amenemhat I and Senusret I, there seems to have been only one queen each, or perhaps two for Senusret. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
The king\u2019s mother was vastly more important for the king\u2019s legitimacy than his wife, and so the mother\u2019s name may well have appeared in many more instances and therefore has been preserved more often.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
In Otto\u2019s study of the king\u2019s legitimacy in ancient Egypt, he points out three necessary aspects of kingship: effectiveness, birthright, and mythological backing. The second aspect, that of birthright, is why the king\u2019s mother is so important; the transference of royal power passes through her to her son. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
The importance of the king\u2019s mother can be seen as early as the First Dynasty, as at least the names of three kings\u2019 mothers were included on the Palermo Stone, along with the name of their son, the king.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Starting in the Fourth Dynasty, royal mothers were often depicted with the vulture headdress, symbolizing their divine status. This headdress, linked to the word \u201cmwt”.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
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<\/figure>\n\n\n\nReign of Senusret I <\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Senusret I is considered one of the great kings (pharaohs) of the Middle Kingdom. When Senusret I took over sole rule of Egypt after the assassination of his father, he set about to cement the reunification of the Two Lands, which his father had set out to do once he moved north from Thebes. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
To justify and legitimize his kingship, particularly after the murder of his father, Senusret I followed the royal practices of the Old Kingdom, which had already been reformed by Mentuhotep II as he reunified the land but with innovations that mark his reign as well as the later Twelfth Dynasty.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Amenemhat I\u2019s assassination<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The literary texts that discuss the subject of Amenemhat I\u2019s assassination seem to describe it as a problem from within the palace, so it must have come from the harem. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
In “The Story of Sinuhe,” Sinuhe says that he ran away to the south rather than go back to the royal residence, saying: <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
I believed there would be turmoil and did not expect to survive it. <\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
In the “Instructions of Amenemhat I,” speaking from the dead, the king says: <\/p>\n\n\n\n
\n
He who ate my food raised opposition \u2026 Are rebels nurtured in the palace?. <\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
From the literary evidence, it sounds as if, after thirty years of rule, the conspiracy against the king came from within his own court. That seemed to have been the problem before in the Old Kingdom, with the possible assassination of King Teti and the foiled plot or plots against King Pepy I. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
With a minimum of seven queens, the harem of Pepy I must have had a number of young princes eager to take the throne, but with the early Middle Kingdom we have no evidence of large royal families or harems filled with queens.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Some scholars think that the vizier Amenemhat deposed Mentuhotep IV and seized power, and this has been a cause of contention. Gundlach suggests Amenemhat took over because the Eleventh Dynasty had \u201cneglected the northern part of the country, the region of the former Tenth Dynasty\u201d. Tidyman states that it is clear that \u201cNebtawyre was overthrown by his vizier, Amenemhet, and a civil war ensued in the vacuum that had been created\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
It is possible that there were still pockets of resistance, even after almost three decades of Amenemhat I\u2019s rule. There is some evidence of ongoing strife, particularly in the area of Thebes. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
In the 1920s, Winlock located a tomb in the cliffs north of Deir el-Bahari, Tomb 507, which contained the remains of about sixty male individuals, all of whom seem to have suffered trauma, such as blows to the head and being shot with arrows. Some of the individuals had obviously remained where they died for some time, as there was evidence of vultures having fed on them. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
The remains were originally dated to the reign of Mentuhotep II, and it was assumed they died during his attack on Heracleopolis, but, based on a paleographic study of the marks on the linen the remains were wrapped in, a re-dating to the reign of Senusret I has been put forth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The stela of Nesu-Montu (Louvre C 1), who has the title \u201cOverseer of Troops\u201d and was in charge of a Theban contingent, gives evidence for at least one battle on or by the river, probably in the Theban area, early in the reign of Senusret I. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Although the date is damaged, the stela seems to date to year 24 of Amenemhat I, which, with a co-regency, would be year 4 of Senusret I. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nesu-Montu says that he led the battle and was victorious, overthrowing \u201cthe enemies of my lord\u201d. There may have been resistance to the king, but it is probably unrealistic that anyone from outside the court could organize or carry out an attack on the king in his residence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Military Campaigns and Administration<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
In his 18th year of reign, Senusret I led a campaign against Lower Nubia, during which the area up to the Second Cataract was conquered. To secure the new territories, various fortresses were built there. This is the first time in Egyptian history that a large area outside Egypt came under permanent control. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
In his 25th year of reign, there was a famine, which is mentioned in several texts. As a result, there may have been unrest: an inscription from El-Tod suggests that the local temple was looted.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Commemorative Inscriptions and Legacy<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Senusret I celebrated a heb sed in regnal year 31; it is attested in a number of inscriptions, for example on his obelisk at Heliopolis. His titulary is inscribed on each side of the obelisk, along with a statement that he set up the obelisk on the \u201cfirst occasion of the heb sed\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The Court<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The vizier at the beginning of his reign was Antefiqer, who had a tomb near the Pyramid of Amenemhet I in El-Lisht, is known from a series of documents, and seems to have held the office for a relatively long time. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
His successor was likely someone named Sesostris. The treasurers in the 22nd year of his reign were Sobekhotep and, after him, Mentuhotep. Mentuhotep appears to have been an extraordinary personality; he seems to have directed several of Senusret I’s building projects, including, most notably, the expansion of the Amun temple in Karnak. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Several stewards are known, among them Hor, who led an expedition for the king, and Nacht, who had a tomb in El-Lisht and was involved in the pyramid construction of Senusret I. The king appears to have appointed various officials in the provinces.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Another important text that sheds light on the loyalty expected of elite officials in the reign of Senusret I is the so-called Loyalist Instructions. The emphasis on loyalty became a common theme in texts in the later Eleventh Dynasty, and it continued with the Middle Kingdom. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Being loyal to the king \u201cwas the most important aspect of ruling-class life\u201d. This text is attributed to Mentuhotep, Senusret I\u2019s treasurer, who later in his reign became overseer of the king\u2019s works and vizier, although the first known copy is that on a stela from Abydos belonging to Sehetepibra, the royal seal-bearer and chief deputy treasurer of King Senwosret III. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Sehetepibra copied parts of the autobiography of Mentuhotep from a stela at Abydos, and some scholars believe that the Loyalist Instructions were also copied from a text belonging to Mentuhotep.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Assmann describes the Loyalist Instructions as an \u201ceducational text\u201d written to ensure that members of the elite stay loyal to the kings of the new Twelfth Dynasty \u201cby appealing to their innermost selves\u201d. The first few lines of the text demand: \u201cVenerate the king in the inside of your bodies! Pledge allegiance to His Majesty in your hearts!\u201d. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Assmann proposes that all the propagandistic literature, the Building Inscription, The Story of Sinuhe, and the Loyalist Instructions, were written for the same reason: \u201cto impose pharaonic rule not just as a political system, but rather as a religion\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Expeditions<\/strong> of Senusret I<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
A rock inscription near the harbor facility of Ain Suchna on the Gulf of Suez reports that in the 9th year of Senusret I\u2019s reign, an official was sent to the mines on the Sinai Peninsula.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
administrative structure of the early Twelfth Dynasty<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
In terms of administrative structure, the early Twelfth Dynasty is a combination of Old Kingdom practice along with the changes made under Mentuhotep II. The evidence is provided by private stelae and tomb inscriptions with titles, so not every part of Egypt will have equal evidence. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Mentuhotep II\u2019s unification of Egypt \u201cdid not lead to a greater administrative homogeneity in the country\u201d; quite the opposite. In Upper Egypt, the area that had been controlled by the Thebans, there was a governor, or nomarch. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
In Elephantine<\/a>, Sarenput I, who was followed by his son, Sarenput II, and the other provincial centers had mayors, who were much below the status of a nomarch. In the area of northern Upper Egypt that had been controlled by the Heracleopolitans, there were also nomarchs, and in Asyut, Deir el-Bersheh and Beni Hasan, \u201cno break in the line of nomarchs seems to occur after the Unification of Egypt\u201d. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
At Itja-tawy was the king and the royal residence, with the high officials of the central administration, headed by the vizier, the steward, the overseer of the seal, and the overseer of the treasury. These high officials had mastabas at Lisht near the pyramid of the king. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Most of these men were Theban \u201cbut a few were clearly from other parts of the country\u201d. In the early Middle Kingdom, there is some evidence that there could be more than one vizier, and it seems, as in the later Old Kingdom, that an official could be a vizier in one of the provincial areas if needed. Like the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties of the Old Kingdom, and after, members of the royal family did not hold bureaucratic positions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Construction Activities<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Pyramid of Senusret I<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
The simply constructed pyramid of Sesostris I is located in El-Lisht and consists of star-shaped stone ribs arranged at right angles and intersecting diagonally, dividing the structure into 16 chambers. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
These were filled with rubble and sand, and covered with limestone slabs. Over the millennia, the slabs slipped off, and the sand in the chambers poured out. The pyramid measured 105 meters in square dimensions and was originally 61 meters high. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
The pyramid complex was surrounded by a double wall and included a subsidiary pyramid as well as nine smaller pyramids for the royal family. The burial pyramids of the queens Neferu and Itakayt have been identified, although the latter may also have been one of his daughters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Based on foundation block marks, Senusret I had probably begun building his pyramid complex at South Lisht before year 10 of his co-regency with his father. His pyramid complex is a classic example of one from the Old Kingdom, monumental in size and with all the essential parts. The causeway, however, with its Osiride figures of the king lining the interior walls, is more like the causeway of Mentuhotep II, which was open and lined with heb sed figures of the king. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
The mortuary temple is badly destroyed, as the limestone was being removed from the pyramid complex by Ramesside times, but it can be compared to those of the Old Kingdom: entry hall, peristyle court, transverse corridor, antechambre carree, sanctuary, and storage magazines. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
The corridor to the burial chamber, which has never been explored since it is below the water level, goes down on the traditional north side of the pyramid. The descending corridor had been blocked by plugs that had been tunneled around in ancient times. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Material from the king\u2019s burial, canopic jars and tops, alabaster food containers, and a piece of gold foil were found by Gaston Maspero\u2019s workmen and are in the collection of the Cairo Museum. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
There is an entrance chapel on the north side, above the descending corridor. Fragments of relief decoration from the chapel show offering bearers, and a block from the west wall depicts the king seated before an offering table.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
![\"Osiride](\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/lnb.pgm.mybluehost.me\/website_d4a54302\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/image-6.png?resize=352%2C1004&ssl=1\")
Osiride figure of Senusret I from Lisht (CG 398). Photo: Sally el-Sabbahy, Courtesy of
the Egyptian Museum, Cairo<\/strong><\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\nTwo sets of walls go around the pyramid. The outermost brick wall goes around the entire complex, and another inner limestone wall goes just around the king\u2019s pyramid. Every 5 meters on both the inner and the outer sides of this inner wall were vertical panels with the king\u2019s Horus name with a serekhfa\u00e7ade and at the bottom a scene of a Nile fertility figure. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
In the space between the two walls is the king\u2019s \u201csouth tomb,\u201d a small pyramid on the southeast corner of his pyramid, just like that of Khufu at Giza<\/a>, and then there are nine small subsidiary pyramids for family members. Only Pyramids 1 and 2 could be identified as belonging to specific family members, Queen Neferu and Princess Itakayet.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Temple Buildings<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Osiris Pillars of the Ruler from Karnak<\/h4>\n\n\n\n
Senusret I<\/strong> constructed various temples throughout the country. He was the first king to systematically rebuild all the temples of the country and convert them into stone temples. A copy of an inscription from his third regnal year reports the construction at the temple in Heliopolis (Iunu). <\/p>\n\n\n\n
The oldest surviving obelisk in Egypt also originates from Senusret I<\/strong>. Made of Aswan granite, it stands 20 meters high and is still located in Heliopolis today. Originally, it likely stood there with a second obelisk in front of the entrance pylon of the temple.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
![\"Seated](\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/lnb.pgm.mybluehost.me\/website_d4a54302\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/image-7.png?resize=454%2C644&ssl=1\")
Seated statues of Senusret I found buried at Lisht (JE 31139). Photo: Sally el-Sabbahy, Courtesy of the Egyptian Museum, Cairo<\/em><\/strong><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n Senusret I undertook a massive building program enlarging the temples at important religious sites, as well as producing large numbers of statues. There are fifty-one statues securely dated to Senusret I and others that are possibly his. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ten limestone seated statues of the king were found in a pit north of his mortuary temple in 1884 and are now in the Cairo Museum. The sides of the king\u2019s thrones have beautifully rendered sema-tawy reliefs with Horus and Seth or Nile fertility gods<\/a> tying together the papyrus and the lotus. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
It is assumed that the statues were buried for safekeeping, but where they were placed originally in the complex, or meant to be placed, is unknown. Dohrmann has suggested that for a short period of time the statues were set in the columned court of the mortuary temple as part of the king\u2019s heb sed. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
The five statues with Horus and Seth on the sides of the thrones were set on the south side, and the ones with Nile gods were on the north.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Some of Senusret I\u2019s statues were of huge proportions, making him the first king since the Old Kingdom to commission colossal statues.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
large monuments reflected power and that was undoubtedly the point. One of Senusret\u2019s standing colossal statues is on display in the Open-Air Museum at Mit Rahineh (Memphis). For years, it had been accepted as a statue of Ramses II, as he had his name carved on it, but Sourouzian has proved that it originally belonged to Senusret I.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
![\"Colossal](\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/lnb.pgm.mybluehost.me\/website_d4a54302\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/image-8.png?resize=594%2C800&ssl=1\")
Colossal standing statue of Senusret I from Memphis, usurped by Ramses II. Photo: Lisa Sabbahy<\/em><\/strong><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n Senusret I had an extensive building program, evidenced not only by archaeological remains but by lists of temples and statues from his reign, such as the inscription on the block found at the mosque of el-Azhar. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
However, two sites in particular, Karnak and Heliopolis, will be discussed in some detail as they represent the two cult great centers of ancient Egypt and the sun god. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Thebes was Senusret\u2019s family\u2019s nome and Karnak the cult place of the deity Amen-Ra adopted by the Thebans of the early Eleventh Dynasty. The vizier Mentuhotep, who was also overseer of all the king\u2019s works, was in charge of the building at Karnak, which began in regnal year 19. Mentuhotep also felt entitled enough to leave at least eleven statues of himself at the temple.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
![\"Space](\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/lnb.pgm.mybluehost.me\/website_d4a54302\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/image-9.png?resize=888%2C666&ssl=1\")
Space in the middle of Karnak that once held the Middle Kingdom temple of Senusret I. Photo: Lisa Sabbahy<\/em><\/strong><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n Senusret I left in place the sandstone flooring of his father\u2019s temple of Amen and redid the temple with a limestone platform, fifteen times larger. The temple itself was also limestone. The fa\u00e7ade of the temple \u201cwas preceded by a portico of twelve pillars, each one fronted by a colossus of the king in Osiride form\u201d that led to a large peristyle court with square pillars. The sides of the pillars each depict the king with one of the four most important gods: Atum of Heliopolis, Ptah <\/a>of Memphis, Horus of Edfu, and Amen of Karnak.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
![\"Pillar](\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/lnb.pgm.mybluehost.me\/website_d4a54302\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/image-10.png?resize=294%2C788&ssl=1\")
Pillar with Osiride figure of Senusret I, Karnak (JE 48851). Photo: Sally el-Sabbahy, Courtesy of the Egyptian Museum, Cairo<\/strong><\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n On the north and south sides of the peristyle court were small chapels, suggested to have been for statues of kings of the Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period that Senusret I wanted to honor and claim as \u201cancestral\u201d to his own rule. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
- Sesostris II | The Vanished Pharaoh<\/a><\/li>\n\n\n\n
![\"Naos](\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/lnb.pgm.mybluehost.me\/website_d4a54302\/wp-content\/uploads\/2024\/12\/image-11.png?resize=302%2C556&ssl=1\")